by N. Belakhdar, I. Eickhof, A. el Khawaga, O. el Khawaga,
A. Hamada, C. Harders, S. Sandri (ed.),
Working Paper No. 11, August 2013. [view here] [go to individual articles]
This publication is based on the proceedings of an international conference entitled ‘Arab Revolutions and Beyond: Change and Persistence’, which was held in the framework of a multilateral project called ‘Challenges and Transformations in the Wake of the Arab Spring’ (2012-2014). The project is funded by the DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service) and based upon the longstanding partnership between Cairo University in Egypt and Freie Universität Berlin in Germany, specifically between the EuroMed Study Program at the Faculty of Economics and Political Sciences (FEPS) and the Centre for Middle Eastern and North African Politics at Otto-Suhr-Institute, Department for Political and Social Sciences.
The project addresses the challenges of current political and social transformations and their ramifications for higher education and the social sciences in Egypt and the region. The overarching objective of the project is to enter a productive dialogue on theories, methodologies and topics in social science research among Arab and German researchers. At the same time, we aim to improve teaching and research structures in the social sciences in a sustainable and efficient way. This will build students’ and teachers’ capacities on both shores of the Mediterranean and at the same time strengthen institutional efforts to promote the role of social sciences in the current transformations.
Dieser Sammelband ist ein Ergebnis der internationalen Tunis-Konferenz "Arab Revolutions and Beyond: Change and Persistence", die im Rahmen des multinationalen DAAD-Projekts "Challenges and Transformations in the Wake of the Arab Spring" im November 2013 stattfand. Neben Kolleg_innen der Universität Kairo, mit der bereits eine langjährige Partnerschaft besteht, sind auch Nachwuchsforscher_innen aus Tunesien, Libyen, Jordanien und weiteren Arabischen Staaten beteiligt. Das Projekt stellt sich den Herausforderungen, welche sich durch die politischen und sozialen Umbrüche in der Region für die akademische Bildung, v.a. in den Sozialwissenschaften ergeben haben. Hieraus soll ein produktiver Dialog über theoretische, methodische und thematische Felder der Sozialwissenschaften eröffnet werden, um die Strukturen von Forschung und Lehre dauerhaft zu verbessern.
Ahmed Abd Rabou: Democracy as Civilian Control. Civil-Military Relation in Post-Revolution Egypt, pp. 11-28.
The Egyptian revolution of 2011 reveals one of the most important prerequisites for democracy to take place, which is civilian control over the military institutions. When Mubarak stepped down in February 2011, he left the country under the leadership of the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) and despite the period under a democratically elected president, the military has remained deeply involved in Egyptian politics. In this paper, civil-military relations in Egypt will be reviewed to decide upon the future position of the Egyptian Armed Forces on the political scene. [view article]
Amal Hamada: Understanding the Military Role in the Egyptian Revolution. Comparing February 2011 and July 2013, pp. 29-40.
The question of civil-military relations in Egypt is a crucial factor in understanding the power structure and the broader picture of the political map in Egypt. In February 2011 and in July 2013, the Egyptian army intervened in the political scene forcing two presidents out of office responding to popular demands on the streets. While the February event was hailed by the world as the great Egyptian popular revolution, the same international powers remained hesitant to recognise the second intervention as a revolution and at the end decided to adopt a ‘wait and see’ policy. This paper is an attempt to analyse the difference between two crucial scenes in the history of the Egyptian revolution on four levels: a) the interactions preceding the interventions, b) the setting of the interventions, c) motives of the interventions and d) lastly their implications. The paper ends with a discussion of different approaches to understanding the military role in the Egyptian revolution since 2011. [view article]
Ilka Eickhof: My Friend, the Rebel. Structures and Dynamics of Cultural Foreign Funding in Cairo, pp. 41-52.
The images of the Arab uprisings are all too familiar. In the fields of political science, sociology and history, countless pages have been devoted to explain and account for the changes which occurred over the past three years. What has been left understudied so far are the structures and frameworks of intervention and regulation in the cultural field, on which this paper will concentrate. The increased interest of the Western global North in cultural and artistic productions from the Arab World in the frame of the so-called Arab Spring raises questions regarding the entanglements and dynamics of foreign cultural politics and international relations, politics of funding, and of representation. [view article]
Nooh Alshyab & Raed Khasawneh: The Impact of the Arab Spring on Remittances Flows to Jordan, pp. 53-68.
Remittances from migrant workers imply a significant inflow of foreign capital for many developing countries which has been proven to be more stable than other capital flows. Remittances by emigrants are a very important source of external capital for Jordan, too, which exceeds international development assistance and foreign direct investment. The present study thus aims to empirically analyse the impact of the upheavals and transformations that are ongoing in the Arab World on remittances inflowing to Jordan. One of the challenges herewith is the short time horizon to which the research question relates. A statistical framework based on bi-variate Pearson’s correlations over quarterly data has been adopted to solve this issue. The empirical results corroborate the idea of profound changes occurring in the patterns of remittances to Jordan after the Arab Spring. In particular, the paper shows that the Arab Spring has not only sharpened the reduction in remittances, but it has also disrupted previously existing correlations and trends. [view article]
Heba Amr Hussein: Localising Authoritarianism: The Case of Egypt’s Waste Policy, pp. 69-88.
This paper discusses the latest developments in Egypt’s solid waste policy, particularly since the entrance of multi-national companies, and situates it within the country’s authoritarian social contract. The main research questions tackled are: How did the implementation of the reform plans in Egypt’s waste policy affect local authoritarian dynamics from 2000 till 2011? And how did these dynamics change in the course of the last few years since the 25th January revolution? The two analysed case studies, Alexandria and Qena, show how the ongoing modernisation efforts go hand in hand with a reproduction of the authoritarian logics of action at the level of the governorates. [view article]
Shaimaa Magued: The Religious Market in Egypt: Understanding Islamism in the Realm of Politics, pp. 89-100.
Under the Mubarak regime, neither political parties nor religious groups had a significant influence on the political scene. They were intimidated by the repression of the state which dominated the executive and legislative authorities and engineered jurisdictions that reduced democratic transition to a façade. The regime also instrumentalised Al-Azhar incarnating mainstream moderate Islam versus radical Islamic opposition. Religion was given a safe haven in state politics thanks to the second article of the constitution establishing Islamic jurisprudence (‘Sharia’) as the main source of legislation. In light of the Islamists’ wide public networks among the lowmiddle and modest classes that became the backbone of their parties, this study aims to interpret their political persistence in spite of the state repression through the Religious Market Theory. [view article]
Laura Gribbon: The Commodification of Egypt’s Revolutionary Martyrs. Interpretive Frames, Mediated Narratives and Imagined Solidarities, pp. 101-112.
This paper analyses the various ways in which certain iconic Egyptian martyrs have been depicted since the death of Khaled Said in 2010, in an attempt to understand how their memories have been co-opted, commodified and used by a number of actors to propagate ideologies and strengthen solidarities. The multi-valence of dead heroes and victims has provoked heated debate regarding elements of truth and narratives of injustice as Egypt’s revolution has continued to evolve. This has been evident at every level, from the cover-up efforts of police, government and morgue officials, to
popular debates as to how deserving individuals are of the ‘martyr’ crown.’ [view article]
Ebaidalla Mahjoub Ebaidalla: Youth Unemployment in the Arab World. An Analysis of Causes and Possible Ways Forward, pp. 113-126.
Motivated by the unfavourable impact of high youth unemployment rates in the Arab World, this paper aims to investigate the determinants of youth unemployment in the Arab countries. The study uses both descriptive and econometric analysis, focusing on economic environment, demographic and institutional factors. The empirical results show that youth unemployment in Arab countries is significantly influenced by the economic situation, demographic characteristics and institutional quality. The role of education on youth unemployment is found to be positive, implying that the Arab
region suffers from the problem of mismatching skills, which reflects the weakness of education policies in the region. The results also reveal that corruption and inefficient bureaucracy increase youth unemployment, indicating the significant role of institutions quality in youth employment. Finally, the paper concludes with some policy recommendations aiming at building effective strategies to improve employability of youth in the Arab World. [view article]
Florian Kohstall: Groundhog Day. Electoral Processes from Mubarak to Morsi, pp. 127-140.
This paper questions common assumptions about elections in transformation processes. Since the 2011 uprising in Egypt, elections have neither proven a suitable tool to found a new democratic order, nor did they simply reproduce the authoritarian legacy of the past. They rather complimented the uncertainty of the transition period and have been constantly challenged by continuous street protests. By looking at three electoral processes from the constitutional referendum in March 2011 to the presidential elections in July 2012, I analyse how rulers have adjusted the legal framework to accommodate popular demands and how voters have perceived these changes in order to better understand the meaning of elections in times of political crisis. [view article]
Ali A. Alraouf: From the Sacred to the Profane. Shifts in the Mental and Visual Image of Midan Al Tahrir, pp. 141-158.
The paper aims at articulating an alternative urban political approach addressing the relation between public spaces and revolutions. The definition of ‘public space’ includes openness and accessibility by all social categories without any distinction and permitting multiple social uses. The paper analyses the fluctuation of Midan Al Tahrir’s image as a tool by which people can be subconsciously and consciously mobilised to advocate or resist the achievements of the revolution. All through the 18 days in the 25th January Revolution and until today, Tahrir has become the symbol for freedom and social cohesion. By exemplifying the protest on Midan Al Tahrir, this paper argues that for more social justice to be attained in a post-revolutionary Cairo, people need to claim their Midan; not only as places for protest but as arenas to practice social life and exhibit solidarity and integration. [view article]
Heba Talla Atef Sayed Emam: Impact of the Arab Spring on Balance of Payments. An Egyptian and Tunisian Case Study, pp. 159-178.
By being able to promptly get rid of their tyrannical regimes, Egypt and Tunisia sparked the Arab uprisings and brought hope for freedom and democracy to the rest of the region. Yet, Tunisia and Egypt are still struggling to resurrect political, economic and financial stability. On the economic side, the two economies were adversely affected by the prevailing turmoil in the post revolution phase. Sluggish growth, high unemployment, widening budget deficit and deteriorating external sector were among the repercussions of such disorder. [view article]
Regine Schwab: De-constitutionalising the Egyptian Constitution, pp. 179-192.
In this paper I look at the role of political communication during transformation periods. I argue that the post-revolutionary Egypt was characterised by a political language full of cleavages and an inability to compromise. This became particularly
visible during the constitution-writing process in 2012 in which worldview or identity politics prevailed. As a consequence, the actual content of the constitution became more and more irrelevant. The paradoxical outcome was a final constitutional document on the one hand, and a deep rift between the two major political forces as well as within society at large on the other, which culminated in the 30th June protests of 2013. [view article]
Nashwa Mostafa Ali Mohamed: International Labour Migration and Institutional Quality. Analysing the Impact through the Channel of Financial Remittances in a Sample of Arab States during the Period 2002-2012, pp. 193-212.
Most Arab states are undergoing reform movements aiming to achieve economic growth and social welfare through establishing the rules of rational governance and building new institutions, all of which have coincided with the outbreak of the Arab Spring revolutions in a number of them. Within this framework, the current study aims to identify the impact of international labour migration on the economic and political institutional quality in the labour-sending Arab states through the channel of financial remittances. With a view of this target, the methodology of this study is based upon a descriptive approach and an econometric approach. Descriptively we illustrate the theoretical framework, literature review and the application framework by which we analysed the status of the sample states during the period 2002-2012. As econometric approach we employed a regression equation (unbalanced panel data) estimated by the generalised two-stage least squares method which we applied to twelve Arab states: Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Morocco, Algeria, Sudan, Djibouti, Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon for the period 2002-2011. [view article]
Aliaa Wagdy: The EU’s Stance towards the Rise of Islamists to Power. The Case of Egypt in the Aftermath of the Arab Revolutions, pp. 213-224.
This paper studies the European Union’s stance and policies towards the rise of Islamist parties in the southern Mediterranean. The main focus is on the Egyptian case; where the Muslim Brotherhood, represented in the Freedom and Justice Party, won both the legislative and the presidential elections. The main question the paper addresses is: Dealing with the new regime in Egypt, does the EU address specific issues or does it consider the Islamist rise as an issue per se? The methodology of the paper is to track the EU stance towards the rise of Islamists to power in Egypt over two points of time:
the first parliamentary elections 2011/2012, and the presidential elections (May/June 2012). The European position is studied on two levels, the discourse of EU officials, and policies endorsed by EU institutions towards the new regime. [view article]
Nadia von Maltzahn: Governance of Culture in the Wake of the Arab Revolutions. Preliminary Observations on the Case of Egypt, pp. 225-240.
Cultural policies define a national vision for culture and provide frameworks for institutional practice to translate this vision on the ground. In this paper, I map the evolution of Egypt’s cultural policies since the 1952 revolution, focusing in particular
on post-2011 governance of culture. Following the 25th January Revolution, what is the role of the Ministry of Culture, and what is the role of the independent sector? What is the relationship between state, society and culture? It will be shown that while institutional structures have largely remained the same, agency in Egypt’s governance of culture has changed. [view article]
Radwa Samy Abo Shady: Hidden Economy in the Arab Spring countries. An Egyptian Case Study, pp. 241-154.
There is no doubt that most of Arab Spring countries’ economies were growing at a reasonable growth rate in the prerevolutionary era, yet the people didn’t realize this progress, which was made clear through their demands ‘Bread-social justice and freedom’. This can be justified as some of those economies – mainly Egypt and Tunisia – were facing chronic and severe economic problems. This study tries to provide an all-encompassing idea of the economy, as most activities within the economy are classified as ‘hidden economy’ or ‘informal economy’, which make them escape accountability
and anti-corruption measurements. Thus, the country is wasting an important opportunity to benefit from and make the best efficient allocation of resources, as there is always something which is hidden from the public. Hence, the study defines
different types of informal economy and tackles most of its multi-disciplinary effects, such as the economic, social, political and legal ones. [view article]
Benedikt Grossmann: Moderation by Inclusion? The Political Participation of the Palestinian Hamas, pp. 255-272.
The central question of this paper is whether the political participation of the Palestinian Hamas has led to its moderation. The theoretical basis is the Inclusion-Moderation Hypothesis, which was originally applied to parties of socialist and Christian provenience before a remake of the theory, with the focus on Islamic parties, was recently drawn up by Günes Murat Tezcür and Jillian Schwedler. The empirical analysis of Hamas through statements, documents and political action shows a certain change of its ideological and programmatic approach, reaffirming the transformation of Hamas into a party without a state. [view article]